The Marauding Horsemen of Bihar
Syed Ali Mujtaba
On the banks of the meandering river Ganges, some 120 km east of Indian state of Bihar’s capital Patna is a sleepy town called Mungaer. Here a motor launch or a local boat ferries people to the other side of the river called Mungaer ghat. Some taxi-jeeps wait there to take passengers to Maansi railway station from where trains go to north Bihar.
During some part of the year especially summers and monsoon, this stretch of distance from the Mungaer Ghat to the Maansi railway station is any traveler’s nightmare. For, armed criminals on horsebacks suddenly appear on the scene to harass and rob the passengers of cash and other valuables on board the overcrowded jeeps or those who prefer to trek the distance to the station.
The law enforcing agencies have little grip over these marauding horsemen who roam as freebooters only to be chased when their menace becomes a constant threat.
At times it’s almost like a movie scene with the jeeps transporting the commuters and the criminals chasing them; the hurrying commuters disembarking from the jeeps and boarding the motor launch that immediately sails off to escape from the approaching horsemen.
Those who are unlucky are waylaid. Women and children are the worst victims of these criminals. So are those, who can’t afford the jeep fare and trek the distance with belongings on their heads.
Police sources, however, say waylaying of passengers on Mungaer ghat is not a common phenomenon. Seldom such activities take place and only occur when regular source of income of these gangs dries up. Once such incidents come to light, police immediately swing into action and these criminals are chased away. Most of these gangs don’t thrive for long and whenever the law enforcing agencies become strict these gangs are eliminated. In fact many police officers in Bihar have gained popularity eliminating top criminals of these gangs.
The bridge over the river Ganges that’s being constructed currently at Mungaer is touted to solve the long-standing problems of the passengers going to north Bihar from the terror of these marauding horsemen but that’s no solution to the real problem. The emergence of these horsemen is not a new phenomenon on a vast track of land that opens up due to the shrinking of the river Ganges during the dry season. Locally know as “Diara,” area, these land are dotted with maize and corn fields, providing an ideal sanctuary for these criminals to hide and operate from there as gangs, the tick vegetation and an unmotorable terrain, being in their favour.
These gangsters belong to different castes. Yadav, Bhumihar, Dhanuk, Dhari castes are notable among them. The name of Kamdev Singh, a Bhumihar, who struck terror in the early seventies, still sends chill down one’s spine. The recent names to reckon with are Kailo Yadav, Kapil Yadav and Ramji Dahari.
Each gang has its own jurisdiction to carry on its criminal activities of docaity, kidnapping, extortion, contract killing and even settling local property disputes.
These gangs operate in typical filmy style raiding the village on their horses. First they surround the hamlet from all sides, and then some of them enter the houses in search of valuables. They prey on healthy horses owned by cart operators and also abduct villagers. The entire village remains a mute spectator to such crimes. The lack of communication delays reporting of these crimes and law enforcing agencies take long to reach the spot.
There is a dispute over the date on which these criminal gangs started operating in these areas. Some trace it to the days of the British Raj, others say it was since post independence particularly after the criminalisation of politics in Bihar when criminals were being groomed under political patronage for winning the elections.
Irrespective of the dates, come elections and these gangs have a field day. Every political party approaches them for capturing poll booths. The deal is these criminals would fetch them votes and in return the politicians may shield them in the post election period. Some gangsters in recent times have themselves been contesting elections on political parties ticket and those doing so independently bargain hard for supporting the political parties.
The fact of history is such gangs never get eliminated permanently. They keep on cropping up from time to time. Little attention is being paid by the state government to tackle this problem on a long-term basis. And given the criminal- politician nexus in Bihar, this may never happen for some time to come.
Facts sheet: Munger Finds Mention in Historical Records
Mungaer, a district headquarter town of Bihar is full of reference in the Indian historical record books. It was sandwiched between the Kingdoms of Patliputra (Patna) and Champanager (Bhagalpur), a silk weaving center during the rise of Mahajanpadas (kingdoms) in 6000 BC in India. Mungaer had the unique distinction of having in proximity two premier universities of ancient India Vikramsila (Bhagalpur) in east and Nalanda near Patna in west.
Partliputra serving as a seat of power in India for about a millennium used the land and river route through Mungaer to reach Bengal. Greek traveler Magesthenese in his records mentions that the King of Patliputra Chandragupta made a fort in Mungaer with the river Ganges on the rear.
Mungaer formed the boundary between the rulers of Bengal and those of the north India. It finds mention as a camp of victory under the Pala kings, particularly Devapala. It’s also find mention in the record of the Partihara rulers of the east who advanced north to capture Patliputra. A Pratihara record of 837 AD tells that a chieftain named Kaka gained recognition fighting the Gudas at Mungaer.
During the medieval times Mungaer became the permanent highway for the marching armies from the north to the east of India. Numerous caravans plied the land route through Mungaer to the Bengal. There was brisk navigation on the river Ganges saw boats piling through Mungaer, Bhagalpur to up to Bengal.
Mungaer finds mention in records of the Khalji rulers of Delhi who expanded to the east of India. King Bhaktiyar Khalji (1206 AD) deputed his son Hussain Mubarak to look after the east of India and historical records say he reconstructed a fort at Mungaer.
Shershah Suri, who hailed from Sasaram in Bihar shot into prominence as the naib of the nohani tribe defeating the Sarwani tribe of Bengal at the battle of Surajgarh (1533) a few miles away from Mungaer. The wily Afghan went on to become the ruler of India defeating the second Mughal King Humayun.
During Mughals, Mungaer continued to remain an important place due to its proximity to Bengal and also due to silver mines near its hills. Mughal records mention that during Akbar’s time silver mining was going on near Mungaer at the Kharagpur hills. Shah Suja, son of Shah Jahn who was incharge of the east of India developed Mungaer as a military garrison town after shifting his capital from Dhaka to Rajmahal. Mungaer’s importance as a gun-making center owes its origin to Shah Suja’s time. He was also responsible for the fortification of the existing structure of the Mungaer fort.
During the war of succession that was bitterly fought among the sons of Shah Jhan in 1658, Shah Suja marched to Delhi from Bengal and history records say that Sulaiman Sikoh and Mirza Raja Jai Singh chased him out of Delhi and pursued till Mungaer.
After the decline of the Mughals, Mungaer came under their domination of the Nawabs of Bengal who controlled the whole of Bihar. Mir Qasim one of the rulers of Bengal repaired and garrisoned the Mungaer fort to put up a resistance against the British expansion to the north. It was at Mungaer that Mir Qasim fought the loosing battle with the British and the remnants of which still stands a testimony. The British finally defeated Mir Qasim at the battle of Buxar in 1764 and made Mungaer a retreat for the British East India army.
Mungaer became a special attraction for the British officials serving in Calcutta presidency and use to frequent the place for vacations. British took special interest to develop Mungaer along lines of a small English town. The fort area was exclusive zone where British residents owned huge villas and clubs, polo ground, gardens and churches were developed inside it. The ‘Company Garden’ here had all the hallmarks of London’s Hide Park.
Munger flourished during the British rule and Indian Tobacco Company (ITC) factory and a Railway locomotive workshop was established during its time. The development of Mungaer attracted the landed aristocracy who built palatial houses that still dots its space.
As long as Calcutta remained the headquarters of the South- East Asian trade, Mungaer thrived being part of the land and navigational trade route of Indian hinterland to Bengal. However, Mungaer’s importance declined after the introduction of the Railways that left it out from the main line that was laid from north India to connect Bengal. Mungaer’s importance further declined India’s capital was shifted to Delhi from Calcutta in 1912. Calcutta’s decline as a flourishing trade centers on the East coast of India further piped Mungaer to oblivion.
In the post independent India there is nothing that Mungaer could boast off. With practically little economic activity going on in this historical town, Mungaer represents a ghost city where life has come to a stand still. People have pinned hopes on the construction of the bridge over river Ganges to revive the sagging fortunes of Mungaer but the light at the end of the tunnel seems still far away.
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Syed Ali Mujtaba is a journalist currently based in Chennai. He hails from Munger and often frequents his hometown. He can be contacted at syedalimujtaba@yahoo.com
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http://www.indolink.com/displayArticleS.php?id=051306020209
Tuesday, November 27, 2007
Unsung Women of the International Women’s Day
Unsung Women of the International Women’s Day
Syed Ali Mujtaba
Chennai: Every year before March 8, big cut-outs, posters and banners will be on display all over the city to celebrate the International Women’s Day. There would be public functions organized to mark the occasion where female celebrities would be facilitated with much fanfare. Paparazzi would click their pictures from every possible angle, the tabloids and dailies would flash them on the front pages as if to say... do you know the Pope is Catholic!
Contrary to these entire hullabaloos, a very small function was jointly organized by the Centre for Development Research and Training (CFDRT), East West Center Almunai (EWCA) Association Chennai Chapter and Experiment in International Living (EIL) Chennai Chapter at the office of the CFDRT, Chennai, on the 8th March 2007.
At this function there were women volunteers from the Anakavur block of Tiruvannamalai district in Tamil Nadu who shared their valuable experience working for the empowerment of the women. These women had formed women’s groups in their villages, and were focusing on areas such as health, nutrition, school drop-outs, water, hygiene and sanitation to bring about a change in their social milieu.
Four women volunteers made individual presentations explaining the work they had been doing for women’s upliftment. They described their experiences how they formed three groups comprising of women, adolescent girls and children and what they were doing for their development.
Issues such as ante natal care, institutional delivery, neo-natal and post natal care, exclusive breastfeeding, nutrition, monthly weighing and growth monitoring, referral and immunization formed their agenda of women empowerment.
They also briefed how they were building awareness on Right to Information Act, organizing cooking demonstrations to popularize locally available low-cost and no-cost nutritious foods and building awareness on rights of women, etc.
"These are grassroots workers, very simple women, very down to earth who have selflessly and silently been working for the upliftment of the society," said Mr. P. Subramaniyam, Managing Trustee, CFDRT Trust; Secretary of the EWCA Chennai Chapter and Community Chairman of the EIL Chennai Chapter, while welcoming the guests of the function and introducing the volunteers to the audience.
Mr. P. M. Belliappa, President, EWCA Chennai Chapter in his presidential address, praised the good work done by the CFDRT Trust and mentioned about his earlier associations with the erstwhile North Arcot District of Tamil Nadu of which he was the District Collector in the 70’s.
"I am aware of the backwardness of the Anakvur block and therefore full of appreciation for the excellent work done by the volunteers, particularly the women volunteers," he said.
Mr. Belliappa acknowledged that all the participants spared some time for development work in their own villages, even though the work was fully voluntary in nature. He also praised the life cycle approach of the women volunteers to empower women in their villages which was certainly an effort that would sustain their empowerment.
Mr. K. Muniyandi, a volunteer from Akkur outlined his plans to start a women’s group in his village on similar lines as being outlined by the volunteers in their presentation.
The function came to close with the appreciation and felicitation of the unsung women volunteers working to bring about sustainable change among the women folks living in their respective areas.
This International Women’s Day function was a fitting salutation to the entire unsung women world over who are silently but relentlessly working for women empowerment at the grassroots level.
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The author is a journalist based in Chennai. He can be contacted at syedalimujtaba@yahoo.com
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http://www.indolink.com/displayArticleS.php?id=031407121801
Syed Ali Mujtaba
Chennai: Every year before March 8, big cut-outs, posters and banners will be on display all over the city to celebrate the International Women’s Day. There would be public functions organized to mark the occasion where female celebrities would be facilitated with much fanfare. Paparazzi would click their pictures from every possible angle, the tabloids and dailies would flash them on the front pages as if to say... do you know the Pope is Catholic!
Contrary to these entire hullabaloos, a very small function was jointly organized by the Centre for Development Research and Training (CFDRT), East West Center Almunai (EWCA) Association Chennai Chapter and Experiment in International Living (EIL) Chennai Chapter at the office of the CFDRT, Chennai, on the 8th March 2007.
At this function there were women volunteers from the Anakavur block of Tiruvannamalai district in Tamil Nadu who shared their valuable experience working for the empowerment of the women. These women had formed women’s groups in their villages, and were focusing on areas such as health, nutrition, school drop-outs, water, hygiene and sanitation to bring about a change in their social milieu.
Four women volunteers made individual presentations explaining the work they had been doing for women’s upliftment. They described their experiences how they formed three groups comprising of women, adolescent girls and children and what they were doing for their development.
Issues such as ante natal care, institutional delivery, neo-natal and post natal care, exclusive breastfeeding, nutrition, monthly weighing and growth monitoring, referral and immunization formed their agenda of women empowerment.
They also briefed how they were building awareness on Right to Information Act, organizing cooking demonstrations to popularize locally available low-cost and no-cost nutritious foods and building awareness on rights of women, etc.
"These are grassroots workers, very simple women, very down to earth who have selflessly and silently been working for the upliftment of the society," said Mr. P. Subramaniyam, Managing Trustee, CFDRT Trust; Secretary of the EWCA Chennai Chapter and Community Chairman of the EIL Chennai Chapter, while welcoming the guests of the function and introducing the volunteers to the audience.
Mr. P. M. Belliappa, President, EWCA Chennai Chapter in his presidential address, praised the good work done by the CFDRT Trust and mentioned about his earlier associations with the erstwhile North Arcot District of Tamil Nadu of which he was the District Collector in the 70’s.
"I am aware of the backwardness of the Anakvur block and therefore full of appreciation for the excellent work done by the volunteers, particularly the women volunteers," he said.
Mr. Belliappa acknowledged that all the participants spared some time for development work in their own villages, even though the work was fully voluntary in nature. He also praised the life cycle approach of the women volunteers to empower women in their villages which was certainly an effort that would sustain their empowerment.
Mr. K. Muniyandi, a volunteer from Akkur outlined his plans to start a women’s group in his village on similar lines as being outlined by the volunteers in their presentation.
The function came to close with the appreciation and felicitation of the unsung women volunteers working to bring about sustainable change among the women folks living in their respective areas.
This International Women’s Day function was a fitting salutation to the entire unsung women world over who are silently but relentlessly working for women empowerment at the grassroots level.
--
The author is a journalist based in Chennai. He can be contacted at syedalimujtaba@yahoo.com
-
http://www.indolink.com/displayArticleS.php?id=031407121801
Samjhuta Express blasts: Introspection needed
Samjhuta Express blasts: Introspection needed
Syed Ali Mujtaba
The twin bomb blasts that killed 67 passengers in the Indo- Pak Samjhuta Express train on Sunday midnight once again exposed the vulnerability of the people in the country. It also exposed the callousness of the intelligence and the security forces that refuses to accept that they are a national burden. Once the contrary it has established the smartness of the terrorists outfits that they can strike anywhere in India according to their chosen date, time and place.
Samjhauta Express is the oldest train link between India and Pakistan since Partition in 1947. The bi-weekly train had resumed its operation since July 22, 1976, after a long haul of the acrimonious Indo-Pak relationship to give peace a chance. This friendship and goodwill train has been on the hit list of the militant groups but had withstood the test of time of militancy. However, it’s not so anymore, now it too has become the target of another episode of bomb blasts in the country.
For a change it’s for the first time that ‘Delhi Durbar’ has not raised the “foreign bogey” the usually practice, that’s routinely done minutes after such blasts. Conspicuous by silence, is also the “manta” of “Jaise –E-Mohmmad” and ‘Laksher – E- Taiba that our 24 hours news channels keep chanting minutes after such blasts.
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh was reportedly quick to announce that the perpetrators of the Samjutha Express train blasts will not go unpunished. Home Minister Shivraj Patil tried to pacify the tempers mostly building across the borders saying that the government is in the know of the culprits but not to divulge the details as it may hamper the investigation. Railway Minister Lalu Prasad Yadav was more playing on to the gallery saying that the real culprits of the blast were those who oppose the India- Pak peace process.
As one many believe what suits one’s thoughts, the fact remains the target of the Samjutha express blast were overwhelmingly ‘Muslims.’ Normally, it is the Indian and Pakistan Muslims that travel back and forth on this train to meet their relatives separated across the border due to the Partition of India in 1947.
One is free to deduce from the profile of the target that who could be behind the blasts and what could be their motive. However, if we go by the government’s assessment then we have to accept that the blasts were the handiwork of the spoilers of peace.
The set argument is that the terrorists based in Pakistan are realizing that they would be the biggest losers in India- Pak peace process, swooned from across the border, killed few dozen people, no matter even if they belonged to their religion, and returned back to their safe heavens.
So there we go…there ends the matter... if we want to get them, we have cross the border and since hot pursuit is not our government’s policy, the case is solved and closed.
Samjutha blasts would remain another unresolved puzzle in the strings of blasts that our country has witnessed in the recent past. The Varanasi blast, the Delhi blasts, the Mumbai train blasts, and the Malegoan blasts, no conclusive evidence has been established either of the perpetrators or their motives.
The common thread in them is, they all were the work of the Muslim or Islamic terror groups that want to destabilize the country. At least that is what the government, the media and other mass communication sources want the entire country to believe.
Now who is the so-called Islamic terror groups operating in India? Even a child can say that they come in three varieties. Kashmiri outfits that have overt or covert support of Pakistan’s intelligence agencies. The Pakistani terrorists groups that often breach the Indian security cordon. The homegrown Muslim terrorists, that have sprung up after Ayodhya related communal riots and Gujarat communal pogrom and have been accused of seeking help from either Pakistan or Bangladesh.
In the wake of Delhi and Varanisi blasts, the government had reportedly blamed the Pakistani and Bangladeshi the terrorists’ outfits for that crime. However, it never provided any clinching evidence of their involvement nor it has answered to anyone’s satisfaction as to who were behind these blasts and their motives.
Soon after the Mumbai train blasts, the government reportedly announced that its script this terror plot was written in Pakistan and was executed with the help of the Kashmiri militants and the Muslim youth of Mumbai. The national security advisor had reportedly said that it has evidence of Pakistani involvement but it is best known to him whether he has handed over them to Islamabad, the nation owes answers to it what has been its follow up?
The Malegoan blasts had taken place some days after the Mumbai train blasts and this again remains shrouded in mystery. In comparison to Mumbai train blasts where the target was overwhelmingly Hindus, the Malegoan blast target were Muslims as it occurred on a Muslim religious day and in a Muslim graveyard where no non-Muslim would set their foot. In spite of the logical deduction, the government blamed the Student Islamic Movement of India, a radical organization, to be behind the Malegoan blast.
Now coming to the Samjhuta Express blasts, what motives could be attributed to this blast. Do homegrown so-called Muslim terrorists have any stakes in derailing the Indo- Pak peace process? If not then it leaves ground for the Kashmiri and Pakistani variety of the terrorist to hatch this plot. Now if we ask had the motive been to sabotage the peace process, cant that be done so by attacking the non-Muslim targets? What additional mileage could such terrorists gain by choosing an all-Muslim target?
If no sufficient answer came be put forward, then it may compel to look at other elements that could be responsible for this blasts. The Nanded blasts have very well exposed evil designs of the Hindu radicals that have stepped into the business of terrorism in our country. Their role needs to be thoroughly scrutinized in Samjhuta express blasts. They have vested interest in derailing the Indo-Pak peace. If the motive was to take revenge for the earlier bomb blasts where the targets were Hindu, again their role become prominent. Wishing them away or just reinforcing the stereotypes would be closing our eyes to the realties that are taking shape among us.
----
Syed Ali Mujtaba is a working journalist based in Chennai, India. He can be contacted at syedalimujtaba@yahoo.com
-
http://www.indolink.com/displayArticleS.php?id=021907114618
Syed Ali Mujtaba
The twin bomb blasts that killed 67 passengers in the Indo- Pak Samjhuta Express train on Sunday midnight once again exposed the vulnerability of the people in the country. It also exposed the callousness of the intelligence and the security forces that refuses to accept that they are a national burden. Once the contrary it has established the smartness of the terrorists outfits that they can strike anywhere in India according to their chosen date, time and place.
Samjhauta Express is the oldest train link between India and Pakistan since Partition in 1947. The bi-weekly train had resumed its operation since July 22, 1976, after a long haul of the acrimonious Indo-Pak relationship to give peace a chance. This friendship and goodwill train has been on the hit list of the militant groups but had withstood the test of time of militancy. However, it’s not so anymore, now it too has become the target of another episode of bomb blasts in the country.
For a change it’s for the first time that ‘Delhi Durbar’ has not raised the “foreign bogey” the usually practice, that’s routinely done minutes after such blasts. Conspicuous by silence, is also the “manta” of “Jaise –E-Mohmmad” and ‘Laksher – E- Taiba that our 24 hours news channels keep chanting minutes after such blasts.
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh was reportedly quick to announce that the perpetrators of the Samjutha Express train blasts will not go unpunished. Home Minister Shivraj Patil tried to pacify the tempers mostly building across the borders saying that the government is in the know of the culprits but not to divulge the details as it may hamper the investigation. Railway Minister Lalu Prasad Yadav was more playing on to the gallery saying that the real culprits of the blast were those who oppose the India- Pak peace process.
As one many believe what suits one’s thoughts, the fact remains the target of the Samjutha express blast were overwhelmingly ‘Muslims.’ Normally, it is the Indian and Pakistan Muslims that travel back and forth on this train to meet their relatives separated across the border due to the Partition of India in 1947.
One is free to deduce from the profile of the target that who could be behind the blasts and what could be their motive. However, if we go by the government’s assessment then we have to accept that the blasts were the handiwork of the spoilers of peace.
The set argument is that the terrorists based in Pakistan are realizing that they would be the biggest losers in India- Pak peace process, swooned from across the border, killed few dozen people, no matter even if they belonged to their religion, and returned back to their safe heavens.
So there we go…there ends the matter... if we want to get them, we have cross the border and since hot pursuit is not our government’s policy, the case is solved and closed.
Samjutha blasts would remain another unresolved puzzle in the strings of blasts that our country has witnessed in the recent past. The Varanasi blast, the Delhi blasts, the Mumbai train blasts, and the Malegoan blasts, no conclusive evidence has been established either of the perpetrators or their motives.
The common thread in them is, they all were the work of the Muslim or Islamic terror groups that want to destabilize the country. At least that is what the government, the media and other mass communication sources want the entire country to believe.
Now who is the so-called Islamic terror groups operating in India? Even a child can say that they come in three varieties. Kashmiri outfits that have overt or covert support of Pakistan’s intelligence agencies. The Pakistani terrorists groups that often breach the Indian security cordon. The homegrown Muslim terrorists, that have sprung up after Ayodhya related communal riots and Gujarat communal pogrom and have been accused of seeking help from either Pakistan or Bangladesh.
In the wake of Delhi and Varanisi blasts, the government had reportedly blamed the Pakistani and Bangladeshi the terrorists’ outfits for that crime. However, it never provided any clinching evidence of their involvement nor it has answered to anyone’s satisfaction as to who were behind these blasts and their motives.
Soon after the Mumbai train blasts, the government reportedly announced that its script this terror plot was written in Pakistan and was executed with the help of the Kashmiri militants and the Muslim youth of Mumbai. The national security advisor had reportedly said that it has evidence of Pakistani involvement but it is best known to him whether he has handed over them to Islamabad, the nation owes answers to it what has been its follow up?
The Malegoan blasts had taken place some days after the Mumbai train blasts and this again remains shrouded in mystery. In comparison to Mumbai train blasts where the target was overwhelmingly Hindus, the Malegoan blast target were Muslims as it occurred on a Muslim religious day and in a Muslim graveyard where no non-Muslim would set their foot. In spite of the logical deduction, the government blamed the Student Islamic Movement of India, a radical organization, to be behind the Malegoan blast.
Now coming to the Samjhuta Express blasts, what motives could be attributed to this blast. Do homegrown so-called Muslim terrorists have any stakes in derailing the Indo- Pak peace process? If not then it leaves ground for the Kashmiri and Pakistani variety of the terrorist to hatch this plot. Now if we ask had the motive been to sabotage the peace process, cant that be done so by attacking the non-Muslim targets? What additional mileage could such terrorists gain by choosing an all-Muslim target?
If no sufficient answer came be put forward, then it may compel to look at other elements that could be responsible for this blasts. The Nanded blasts have very well exposed evil designs of the Hindu radicals that have stepped into the business of terrorism in our country. Their role needs to be thoroughly scrutinized in Samjhuta express blasts. They have vested interest in derailing the Indo-Pak peace. If the motive was to take revenge for the earlier bomb blasts where the targets were Hindu, again their role become prominent. Wishing them away or just reinforcing the stereotypes would be closing our eyes to the realties that are taking shape among us.
----
Syed Ali Mujtaba is a working journalist based in Chennai, India. He can be contacted at syedalimujtaba@yahoo.com
-
http://www.indolink.com/displayArticleS.php?id=021907114618
Time to bring Communal Violence Bill
Time to bring Communal Violence Bill
Syed Ali Mujtaba
The Communal Violence Bill announced by the UPA government soon after coming to power in May 2004 seem be gathering dust. The incumbent government has more reasons to pilot the office of profit and the reservation bill than make efforts to stop the cancerous growth of communalism in the country.
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Home Minister Shivraj Patil both made separate statements in the Parliament on the communal situation in the country and took credit of keeping communalism under check. However, both maintained a stoic silence over the time frame of tabling the communal violence bill in the Parliament.
Meantime, two riots one in Aligarh (UP) in April and other Vadodra (Gujarat) in May, reiterated the necessity of communal bill. The bill is suppose to give powers to the central government to intervene into the states in wake of a break down of the communal situation. As of now, the Center cannot interfere in the affairs of the provinces and can only appeal it to control the situation.
Take the instance of the Aligarh, where once again the dispute centered on places of worship erupted. Every year the matter comes to boil there during Hindu festivals with Muslims objecting to the use of the blaring loudspeakers used in the temple that disturbs their payers in the adjacent mosque.
As in the past, the tension this time too was building for some time and exploded with instances of stone throwing, looting and arson. This was retaliated through police firing killing eight people most of them Muslims.
The Minorities Commission fact-finding team that investigated the incident found that the police did not comply the rulebooks and fired above the waist as all the shots hit the victims directly on the upper parts of the body, suggesting its intention was to kill.
IG Police (Kanpur range) who headed the departmental inquiry too calls it a case of police high-handedness in his report. He says, sufficient evidence is there to prove that the situation could have been brought under control without the police firing if the administration acted with a little intelligence and responsibility.
The echoes Aligarh was heard in Vadodara a month later where five people were killed in the police firing. Here again the issue centered on a religious structure claimed as encroachment on road by the Vadodra Municipal Corporation.
However, the first survey carried out in 1912 by then ruler of Baroda Sayajirao Maharaj mention that the Muslim shrine was in existence for at least 200 years and its daily light (diya) and expenditure were borne by the Hindus.
Unless motives are attributed to its act, it does not stand to reason why Vadodra Corporation paid scant regard to the ancient place of worship and showed unnecessary haste in its demolition. The shrine was termed as ‘mini Babari masjid’ and was a target of attack at every communal riot that took place in Vadodra since 1969.
Ghani Qureshi, a prominent BJP Muslim leader of Vadodara corroborates this view. "The demolition of the shrine was a very well-planned conspiracy. The municipal corporation authorities had promised us that it would not be demolished. We were working upon a compromise formula but they backed out and simply razed it to the ground."
Muslims residents of the area that resisted the demolition were hit with police bullets leaving five of them dead and scores injured. A day after the demolition, a Muslim youth was burnt alive in his car by a fanatical Hindu mob.
It was Supreme Court injunction that ordered swift action by the central government to control the situation; otherwise the Vadodra incident had all the trappings of the post Gondra state-sponsored communal genocide of 2002.
Both in Aligarh and Vadodra, it’s ominous that the fatalities could have been avoided if the local administration tactfully handled the situation. However, in the two cases tend to suggest that it was a well thought out plan to carry out a state sponsored communal program against the unarmed protesters.
A cursory look at the history of the communal riots in the country suggests that Aligarh and Vadodra are not isolated event but part of the larger picture of the communal program that’s being carried out intermittently.
Riots after riots has similar story to tell. The communal violence invariably flares up around religious centers; the state administration allows it to escalate. The extremists then go on the prowl unleashing an orgy of death and mayhem in connivance of the local administration. When enough damage is done and media pressure becomes unmanageable, the authorities put then their act together to control the situation.
The naked vote bank politics of consolidating the vote of the majority at the expense of destruction of the minority is the pet theme since last sixty years or so in India. This is a tried and tested formula in Indian politics to first create a sharp division in the society and then ride on the insecurity wave to romp home to power. Congress or BJP both are two sides of the same coin, so goes the saying.
Since communalism is one of the many tools on which politics centers around in India, no political party wants to get this eliminated altogether. Some may talk about its banishment from the society but those who see it is a holy cow of the electoral politics, want the communal pot to be kept burning.
It was a revolutionary call in many sorts, when the UPA government announced that it going to bring communal violence bill to stop the repeat of 2002 Gujarat. The promise held credibility because left that’s supporting the government too showed keenness to put a lid over this recurring crime. However, the UPA government having completed two years in office but still not keen on bringing the communal violence bill, give rise to the suspicion that it may be another case of an empty promise made for electoral gains.
However, if the government sources are to be believed, it’s not the real case. The parliamentary standing committee of the Home Ministry is currently discussing the bill. The discussions are centering around two contentious issues; can a communal situation in a state be dealt with by the central government without encroaching upon the state’s rights of maintaining law and order? Second, can the deployment of central forces be done independently or at the request of the state government and, in any case, can such forces act independently or do they act under the command of the state government?
Notwithstanding the rights of the states to be encroached upon, the fact remains that in the name of state autonomy and provinces exclusive right over 'law and order', the central government cannot remain a specter to the instances of communal violence taking place in a state.
Irrespective, of the delay in the bill, the central government should immediately bring out a statutory order that it would have the exclusive right to intervene in event of communal situation, and punish those who have been behind this heinous crime.
Its time for the UPA government to deliver the promises made. Further waste of time would be an invitation for another Aligarh or Vadodra to take place.
-
Syed Ali Mujtaba is a journalist based in Chennai, India. He can be contacted at syedalimujtaba@yahoo.com
--
http://www.indolink.com/displayArticleS.php?id=052606041116
Syed Ali Mujtaba
The Communal Violence Bill announced by the UPA government soon after coming to power in May 2004 seem be gathering dust. The incumbent government has more reasons to pilot the office of profit and the reservation bill than make efforts to stop the cancerous growth of communalism in the country.
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Home Minister Shivraj Patil both made separate statements in the Parliament on the communal situation in the country and took credit of keeping communalism under check. However, both maintained a stoic silence over the time frame of tabling the communal violence bill in the Parliament.
Meantime, two riots one in Aligarh (UP) in April and other Vadodra (Gujarat) in May, reiterated the necessity of communal bill. The bill is suppose to give powers to the central government to intervene into the states in wake of a break down of the communal situation. As of now, the Center cannot interfere in the affairs of the provinces and can only appeal it to control the situation.
Take the instance of the Aligarh, where once again the dispute centered on places of worship erupted. Every year the matter comes to boil there during Hindu festivals with Muslims objecting to the use of the blaring loudspeakers used in the temple that disturbs their payers in the adjacent mosque.
As in the past, the tension this time too was building for some time and exploded with instances of stone throwing, looting and arson. This was retaliated through police firing killing eight people most of them Muslims.
The Minorities Commission fact-finding team that investigated the incident found that the police did not comply the rulebooks and fired above the waist as all the shots hit the victims directly on the upper parts of the body, suggesting its intention was to kill.
IG Police (Kanpur range) who headed the departmental inquiry too calls it a case of police high-handedness in his report. He says, sufficient evidence is there to prove that the situation could have been brought under control without the police firing if the administration acted with a little intelligence and responsibility.
The echoes Aligarh was heard in Vadodara a month later where five people were killed in the police firing. Here again the issue centered on a religious structure claimed as encroachment on road by the Vadodra Municipal Corporation.
However, the first survey carried out in 1912 by then ruler of Baroda Sayajirao Maharaj mention that the Muslim shrine was in existence for at least 200 years and its daily light (diya) and expenditure were borne by the Hindus.
Unless motives are attributed to its act, it does not stand to reason why Vadodra Corporation paid scant regard to the ancient place of worship and showed unnecessary haste in its demolition. The shrine was termed as ‘mini Babari masjid’ and was a target of attack at every communal riot that took place in Vadodra since 1969.
Ghani Qureshi, a prominent BJP Muslim leader of Vadodara corroborates this view. "The demolition of the shrine was a very well-planned conspiracy. The municipal corporation authorities had promised us that it would not be demolished. We were working upon a compromise formula but they backed out and simply razed it to the ground."
Muslims residents of the area that resisted the demolition were hit with police bullets leaving five of them dead and scores injured. A day after the demolition, a Muslim youth was burnt alive in his car by a fanatical Hindu mob.
It was Supreme Court injunction that ordered swift action by the central government to control the situation; otherwise the Vadodra incident had all the trappings of the post Gondra state-sponsored communal genocide of 2002.
Both in Aligarh and Vadodra, it’s ominous that the fatalities could have been avoided if the local administration tactfully handled the situation. However, in the two cases tend to suggest that it was a well thought out plan to carry out a state sponsored communal program against the unarmed protesters.
A cursory look at the history of the communal riots in the country suggests that Aligarh and Vadodra are not isolated event but part of the larger picture of the communal program that’s being carried out intermittently.
Riots after riots has similar story to tell. The communal violence invariably flares up around religious centers; the state administration allows it to escalate. The extremists then go on the prowl unleashing an orgy of death and mayhem in connivance of the local administration. When enough damage is done and media pressure becomes unmanageable, the authorities put then their act together to control the situation.
The naked vote bank politics of consolidating the vote of the majority at the expense of destruction of the minority is the pet theme since last sixty years or so in India. This is a tried and tested formula in Indian politics to first create a sharp division in the society and then ride on the insecurity wave to romp home to power. Congress or BJP both are two sides of the same coin, so goes the saying.
Since communalism is one of the many tools on which politics centers around in India, no political party wants to get this eliminated altogether. Some may talk about its banishment from the society but those who see it is a holy cow of the electoral politics, want the communal pot to be kept burning.
It was a revolutionary call in many sorts, when the UPA government announced that it going to bring communal violence bill to stop the repeat of 2002 Gujarat. The promise held credibility because left that’s supporting the government too showed keenness to put a lid over this recurring crime. However, the UPA government having completed two years in office but still not keen on bringing the communal violence bill, give rise to the suspicion that it may be another case of an empty promise made for electoral gains.
However, if the government sources are to be believed, it’s not the real case. The parliamentary standing committee of the Home Ministry is currently discussing the bill. The discussions are centering around two contentious issues; can a communal situation in a state be dealt with by the central government without encroaching upon the state’s rights of maintaining law and order? Second, can the deployment of central forces be done independently or at the request of the state government and, in any case, can such forces act independently or do they act under the command of the state government?
Notwithstanding the rights of the states to be encroached upon, the fact remains that in the name of state autonomy and provinces exclusive right over 'law and order', the central government cannot remain a specter to the instances of communal violence taking place in a state.
Irrespective, of the delay in the bill, the central government should immediately bring out a statutory order that it would have the exclusive right to intervene in event of communal situation, and punish those who have been behind this heinous crime.
Its time for the UPA government to deliver the promises made. Further waste of time would be an invitation for another Aligarh or Vadodra to take place.
-
Syed Ali Mujtaba is a journalist based in Chennai, India. He can be contacted at syedalimujtaba@yahoo.com
--
http://www.indolink.com/displayArticleS.php?id=052606041116
Motives behind Sankracharya’s arrest
Motives behind Sankracharya’s arrest
Syed Ali Mujtaba
The arrest of the Sankaracharya, Sri Jayendra Saraswati, of Kanchipuram mutt, a monastic order, has taken the nation by a storm. Interestingly, the Tamil Nadu police arrested the high priest on murder charges on the day of Deepawali, the most important festival, in the Hindu calendar, which symbolizes victory of light over darkness.
The head of the monastic order was charged for conspiring in the murder of a former official of his mutt who was killed in the temple premises in September 2004. The allegation against the seer is that he had serious differences with the manager over the financial management of the mutt, and when it become irreconcilable, he hired professional killers to eliminate him.
It is alleged that the seer had paid some other persons to make confessional statements before the police that in order to mislead the investigation. It was during the course of interrogation the police realized that those persons making confessional statements were only a cover up, and the actual conspirator was none other than the head of the Kanchipuram mutt, Swami Jayandera Sarwasti.
The high profile seer enjoys considerable support among the political leaders of the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP), which led the previous national government, in India. Some very important persons figure is in the list of his devotees and a section of Hindu community see him as a revered figure.
Swami Jayendra Saraswati hit the national limelight, since he accepted to act a go between the Hindu and Muslim community, to resolve the temple- mosque dispute in Ayodhya. The issue became a major flash point in 1992, when Hindu fanatics pull down a 16th century mosque there, claiming it to be their temple.
The arrest of Sankracharya, therefore was not an ordinary event as it took many people by a surprise. There are various ways to look at his arrest; first, every one is equal before law, and no one can claim to have a partial treatment, even though he may be a religious head and may be enjoy an exalted position among his community. According to law, if a person is a murderer or a conspirator in a murder, he / she should get the same treatment what any perpetrator such crime deserves and there cannot be any discrimination on the basis of any ascription.
The other way to look at is that every one is innocent till proven guilty and no one has a right to disgrace anyone and pronounce him criminal on the basis of some statements. In this case, the accused is not an ordinary citizen, but a revered saint and the law enforcement agencies could have taken into consideration that his arrest would not only damage his reputation but also of his monastic order which has an ancient history. They should have come up with answers, whether they could retrieve him back his dignity if he was absolved from the charges framed against him. The best course could have been to consider the seer innocent till the legal formalities ran its course and the charges were proved to be true in the court of law.
Even as the opinion remains divided on the arrest of the Sankracharya, there are questions being raised as to why such haste was shown to take the seer into custody. There definitely must be some motive behind it, especially when hundreds of similar criminal cases are gathering dust and no arrest has ever been made. The question is being asked what prompted in this case to be so quick to take such a tough action?
Those looking for political motive say that it was a well-thought out plan by the ruling AIADMK party, which knew that its political repercussion would help rather than dim its electoral prospects in the coming elections in the state. The ruling party, which got a drubbing in the recent Lok Sabha polls, was not confident that the withdrawal of some of its policies, which had triggered its debacle, had allayed the apathy of the voters. In order to play down to the gallery, it ordered the arrest of Sankrachrya, to woo the anti-Brahmin votes, and thus conveying them that it has decided to shed its pro-Hindu image.
Playing the Dravidian card had become imperative for the ruling party because there was no way other than this it could regain its lost political ground. The results were quick for ever one to see, as the initial reaction to the arrest was explicit and all the Dravidian parties hailed the bold move and came on board with the ruling party on this issue.
The motive of the arrest is also seen as an attempt by the AIADMK to make a dent into the opposition alliance, which is so formidable, that it cannot take it headlong alone. This masterstroke was to reach out to some of the constituents of the opposition alliance to join its ranks on the Dravidian plank. The effort was to move those allies, which may feel disgruntled of not getting the adequate number of seats if they remain in the overcrowded alliance. Since this arrest has erased the ideological differences, which remained there, some opposition allies may consider switching sides for better political representation in the coming assembly election.
The other political reason attributed to this high profile arrest is that the ruling AIADMK party wanted to convey to the so called national parties that it is they who are dependent on the regional parties and not the other way round. It was also an open message to the national parties that no matter how strong they are, it is the regional parties who can call the shots, and they have no leverage in the affairs of the state.
It is also to give the so-called national parties a sound of their own music, which they not long ago utilized to crawl to power. The pain and agony, which now have come to hunt them was gift in return to those who have been mercilessly dishing it out to others by dividing the society in the name of religion. No wonder, the larger fall out of the arrest of Sankrachara was felt on those constituent who were once on the forefront of Hindutva campaign in the country.
Tamil Nadu opposition leader and the DMK supremo, M. Karunanidhi see personal motive of the Chief Minister Jayalalitha behind the arrest of Sankracharya. He says that ‘there were some personal matters between Sankracharya and Chief Minister, which had prompted her to take such an action. The Dravidian leader, who initially had praised the Chief Minister for her bold policies, raises the question why such haste was shown in this case, while there are many other such cases on which the government was sleeping over?
The motive mill continues to churn out reasons for the arrest of the Hindu seer. One theory that is making round is that Chief Minister Jayalalitha has a fascination for remaining in the national limelight. Though this can be said about other politicians as well, but any one who has followed her political career can say with authority that there is some truth in such assumptions. The siren of Tamil movie, ever since has entered into the political arena, has been in the thick of publicity for right or wrong reasons.
There can be no end to the attributions to the seer’s arrest, but on an ethical plain it can be said that the way he was taken into custody and put behind the bars was not in a good taste. The government could have pursued the same legal formalities by keeping him under police surveillance either in the mutt premises or elsewhere. This could have avoided the negative publicity, and the public outcry, which followed his arrest.
However, ethics and morality is a rare commodity in our country, to expect it from those who are in the business of serving the people would be asking the fish to remain out of water. The arrest of Sankracharya suggests that the scarcity of moral virtues has entered the domain of spiritualism as well.
--
Syed Ali Mujtaba is a journalist based in Chennai. He can be contacted at syedalimujtaba@yahoo.com
--
http://www.indolink.com/displayArticleS.php?id=112504072359
Syed Ali Mujtaba
The arrest of the Sankaracharya, Sri Jayendra Saraswati, of Kanchipuram mutt, a monastic order, has taken the nation by a storm. Interestingly, the Tamil Nadu police arrested the high priest on murder charges on the day of Deepawali, the most important festival, in the Hindu calendar, which symbolizes victory of light over darkness.
The head of the monastic order was charged for conspiring in the murder of a former official of his mutt who was killed in the temple premises in September 2004. The allegation against the seer is that he had serious differences with the manager over the financial management of the mutt, and when it become irreconcilable, he hired professional killers to eliminate him.
It is alleged that the seer had paid some other persons to make confessional statements before the police that in order to mislead the investigation. It was during the course of interrogation the police realized that those persons making confessional statements were only a cover up, and the actual conspirator was none other than the head of the Kanchipuram mutt, Swami Jayandera Sarwasti.
The high profile seer enjoys considerable support among the political leaders of the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP), which led the previous national government, in India. Some very important persons figure is in the list of his devotees and a section of Hindu community see him as a revered figure.
Swami Jayendra Saraswati hit the national limelight, since he accepted to act a go between the Hindu and Muslim community, to resolve the temple- mosque dispute in Ayodhya. The issue became a major flash point in 1992, when Hindu fanatics pull down a 16th century mosque there, claiming it to be their temple.
The arrest of Sankracharya, therefore was not an ordinary event as it took many people by a surprise. There are various ways to look at his arrest; first, every one is equal before law, and no one can claim to have a partial treatment, even though he may be a religious head and may be enjoy an exalted position among his community. According to law, if a person is a murderer or a conspirator in a murder, he / she should get the same treatment what any perpetrator such crime deserves and there cannot be any discrimination on the basis of any ascription.
The other way to look at is that every one is innocent till proven guilty and no one has a right to disgrace anyone and pronounce him criminal on the basis of some statements. In this case, the accused is not an ordinary citizen, but a revered saint and the law enforcement agencies could have taken into consideration that his arrest would not only damage his reputation but also of his monastic order which has an ancient history. They should have come up with answers, whether they could retrieve him back his dignity if he was absolved from the charges framed against him. The best course could have been to consider the seer innocent till the legal formalities ran its course and the charges were proved to be true in the court of law.
Even as the opinion remains divided on the arrest of the Sankracharya, there are questions being raised as to why such haste was shown to take the seer into custody. There definitely must be some motive behind it, especially when hundreds of similar criminal cases are gathering dust and no arrest has ever been made. The question is being asked what prompted in this case to be so quick to take such a tough action?
Those looking for political motive say that it was a well-thought out plan by the ruling AIADMK party, which knew that its political repercussion would help rather than dim its electoral prospects in the coming elections in the state. The ruling party, which got a drubbing in the recent Lok Sabha polls, was not confident that the withdrawal of some of its policies, which had triggered its debacle, had allayed the apathy of the voters. In order to play down to the gallery, it ordered the arrest of Sankrachrya, to woo the anti-Brahmin votes, and thus conveying them that it has decided to shed its pro-Hindu image.
Playing the Dravidian card had become imperative for the ruling party because there was no way other than this it could regain its lost political ground. The results were quick for ever one to see, as the initial reaction to the arrest was explicit and all the Dravidian parties hailed the bold move and came on board with the ruling party on this issue.
The motive of the arrest is also seen as an attempt by the AIADMK to make a dent into the opposition alliance, which is so formidable, that it cannot take it headlong alone. This masterstroke was to reach out to some of the constituents of the opposition alliance to join its ranks on the Dravidian plank. The effort was to move those allies, which may feel disgruntled of not getting the adequate number of seats if they remain in the overcrowded alliance. Since this arrest has erased the ideological differences, which remained there, some opposition allies may consider switching sides for better political representation in the coming assembly election.
The other political reason attributed to this high profile arrest is that the ruling AIADMK party wanted to convey to the so called national parties that it is they who are dependent on the regional parties and not the other way round. It was also an open message to the national parties that no matter how strong they are, it is the regional parties who can call the shots, and they have no leverage in the affairs of the state.
It is also to give the so-called national parties a sound of their own music, which they not long ago utilized to crawl to power. The pain and agony, which now have come to hunt them was gift in return to those who have been mercilessly dishing it out to others by dividing the society in the name of religion. No wonder, the larger fall out of the arrest of Sankrachara was felt on those constituent who were once on the forefront of Hindutva campaign in the country.
Tamil Nadu opposition leader and the DMK supremo, M. Karunanidhi see personal motive of the Chief Minister Jayalalitha behind the arrest of Sankracharya. He says that ‘there were some personal matters between Sankracharya and Chief Minister, which had prompted her to take such an action. The Dravidian leader, who initially had praised the Chief Minister for her bold policies, raises the question why such haste was shown in this case, while there are many other such cases on which the government was sleeping over?
The motive mill continues to churn out reasons for the arrest of the Hindu seer. One theory that is making round is that Chief Minister Jayalalitha has a fascination for remaining in the national limelight. Though this can be said about other politicians as well, but any one who has followed her political career can say with authority that there is some truth in such assumptions. The siren of Tamil movie, ever since has entered into the political arena, has been in the thick of publicity for right or wrong reasons.
There can be no end to the attributions to the seer’s arrest, but on an ethical plain it can be said that the way he was taken into custody and put behind the bars was not in a good taste. The government could have pursued the same legal formalities by keeping him under police surveillance either in the mutt premises or elsewhere. This could have avoided the negative publicity, and the public outcry, which followed his arrest.
However, ethics and morality is a rare commodity in our country, to expect it from those who are in the business of serving the people would be asking the fish to remain out of water. The arrest of Sankracharya suggests that the scarcity of moral virtues has entered the domain of spiritualism as well.
--
Syed Ali Mujtaba is a journalist based in Chennai. He can be contacted at syedalimujtaba@yahoo.com
--
http://www.indolink.com/displayArticleS.php?id=112504072359
Will Godhra probe panel unravel all the mysteries?
Will Godhra probe panel unravel all the mysteries?
Syed Ali Mujtaba
The constitution of a high level committee to probe the fire incident at the Sabarmati express train that killed 58 persons at Godhra, Gujarat, on 27th February 2002, by the United People’s Alliance (UPA) government is a welcome step.
The incident triggered a backlash in Gujarat and in a retaliatory action, Hindu marauding Hindu mob, killed more than 3000 Muslims in an organized communal program that continued unabated for next three months in the state.
The primary blame lies on the Gujarat administration, which did little to stop the communal mayhem that erupted in the wake of Godhra train carnage. The irony is instead feeling guilty, the Chief Minister of the state, Nrander Modi is reported to have justified the post Godhra riots as a logical fall out of the train fire tragedy.
There are various theories floated citing the causes of the fire incident of the ill-fated Sabarmati express train. One such, theory did round was that the Hindu devotees who were returning by this train from Ayodhya pilgrimage, abducted a Muslim girl from the Godhra platform and took her into the S-6 coach and then shut the compartment from inside. This open vandalism provoked some Muslims of the area to stop the train to rescue the girl, but since they could no way open the compartment, burnt it down in a fit of anger.
The girl theory, which initially spread like a wild fire proved subsequently proved to be fictitious as it was discovered that some cyber savvy persons who concocted this story circulated it to a large number of people through the e-mails. Even though there was no iota of truth in this story, there are many people who believe this to be true as the most plausible reason for prompting such a heinous crime.
The next theory that made rounds was that the Hindu devotees misbehaved with some Muslim hawkers on the Godhra railway platform, pulling their beard and religiously abusing them, that sparked resentment among the minority community. Muslims, in an instant reaction stopped the train at the outer signal of the Godhra station, which lay close to their habitat and tried to set the coaches on fire occupied by those rowdies’ elements.
In a press conference, the BJP General secretary Arun Jaitely has come up with another theory saying that the “culprits” had purchased petrol in Godhra the day before the incident and when they were unable to throw the petrol in the S-6 coach, they got into S-7 coach and slit open the protective barrier that divided the two coaches, by sword, and then poured petrol into S-6 coach to set it on fire.
Justice G.T Nanavati and Justice KG. Shah, heading the inquiry commission of the Godhra train fire carnage conducted a mock drill of the incident and actually watched whether petrol could be thrown from the ground position at the eight feet high compartments and could fire be ignited to burn down the compartment.
The action replay revealed that it was impossible to pour any inflammable from that position into the coach and by that action fire cannot be ignited inside the coach. The other inference drawn was that it was impossible for a frenzied mob to procure such a large amount of inflammable in such a short notice to set the train on fire.
In the light of the inferences drawn by the ongoing inquiry commission, the theory propounded by Arun Jaitely sounds unconvincing. First, can such a thick iron sheet that divides the two compartments be slit open by a sword?
Second, Jaitely’s sword theory points the incident to be the handiwork of the frenzied mob that assembled at the railway signal in an instant reaction to the provocation on the Godhra railway platform. However, his contention that petrol was purchased a day in advance points towards a preplanned strategy to the crime. If the two-pieces of information are seen in a sequence then it is difficult to co-relate them together.
As a result of these unconvincing arguments, the Godhra fire incident remains shrouded in mystery. A renewed interest has been generated after the constitution of high-level probe panel that it would unravel the truth of the Godhra incident.
The high level committee has a big job in hand. First of all it has to clearly establish as to what prompted the ‘culprits’ to resort to such a crime? If the provocations at the Godhra railway platform were to be the reasons, then can a mob that had assembled in few minutes or say in hours could perform such a crime?
How can the inflammable be brought in such a short notice to the venue of the crime? For argument sake, even if it was procured, in what way it was transported from the approach road to the railway compartment? Obviously, the truck tanker could not be driven to the railway tracks.
How, the closed compartment was opened for pouring the inflammable, can such a job be done by a sharp edge weapon alone? If all this is accepted, then how much time it took to perform such a crime? Obviously it’s not a few minutes job. If all this took long enough time then why did not the passengers tried to escape from the compartment and chose to be burnt alive in a closed carriage? These are some question, which are still abegging answers. If the high level commission wants to probe the preplanned angle of the incident then it has to establish the motive behind such a planning, as to who all stand to gain from breaching the communal peace of the state? The probe panel also has to establish as who all have executed the crime and how?
If it was the work of the anti- national elements, then who were those behind it? Was it Pakistan’s ISI, that hatched this conspiracy to the malign India at home or aboard or was there some local or regional political elements behind it who tend to gain by breaching the communal peace to reap political dividends from such an outrage?
What benefit the poor Godhra Muslim would have by planning and executing such a crime? Could the provocation at Godhra railway station be the reason of the crime of such magnitude? If it was a work of anti- national elements then why only Godhra Muslims have been arrested and people of other community have not even be put of the suspicion radar?
The Godhra train tragedy is one of the modern day mysteries, which remain covered up from public eye. So far no one has yet been able to convincingly establish the fact as to what prompted such a heinous crime to take place in the first instance and who were the real culprits behind this and how this dastardly act was performed.
It is still too early to say whether the high-level probe panel would unravel all the mysteries surrounding the train carnage. If past history of such probe panels are an indication, then this one too does not deserve any great expectations.
However dismal, the hope remains that this panel would be different from the others and would eventually separate the sheaf from the grain. The Godhra truth may be any an eye opener for the countrymen if those behind this diabolic crime are really exposed.
---
Syed Ali Mujtaba is a journalist based in Chennai, India. He can be contacted at syedalimujtaba@yahoo.com
-
http://www.indolink.com/displayArticleS.php?id=090504101354
Syed Ali Mujtaba
The constitution of a high level committee to probe the fire incident at the Sabarmati express train that killed 58 persons at Godhra, Gujarat, on 27th February 2002, by the United People’s Alliance (UPA) government is a welcome step.
The incident triggered a backlash in Gujarat and in a retaliatory action, Hindu marauding Hindu mob, killed more than 3000 Muslims in an organized communal program that continued unabated for next three months in the state.
The primary blame lies on the Gujarat administration, which did little to stop the communal mayhem that erupted in the wake of Godhra train carnage. The irony is instead feeling guilty, the Chief Minister of the state, Nrander Modi is reported to have justified the post Godhra riots as a logical fall out of the train fire tragedy.
There are various theories floated citing the causes of the fire incident of the ill-fated Sabarmati express train. One such, theory did round was that the Hindu devotees who were returning by this train from Ayodhya pilgrimage, abducted a Muslim girl from the Godhra platform and took her into the S-6 coach and then shut the compartment from inside. This open vandalism provoked some Muslims of the area to stop the train to rescue the girl, but since they could no way open the compartment, burnt it down in a fit of anger.
The girl theory, which initially spread like a wild fire proved subsequently proved to be fictitious as it was discovered that some cyber savvy persons who concocted this story circulated it to a large number of people through the e-mails. Even though there was no iota of truth in this story, there are many people who believe this to be true as the most plausible reason for prompting such a heinous crime.
The next theory that made rounds was that the Hindu devotees misbehaved with some Muslim hawkers on the Godhra railway platform, pulling their beard and religiously abusing them, that sparked resentment among the minority community. Muslims, in an instant reaction stopped the train at the outer signal of the Godhra station, which lay close to their habitat and tried to set the coaches on fire occupied by those rowdies’ elements.
In a press conference, the BJP General secretary Arun Jaitely has come up with another theory saying that the “culprits” had purchased petrol in Godhra the day before the incident and when they were unable to throw the petrol in the S-6 coach, they got into S-7 coach and slit open the protective barrier that divided the two coaches, by sword, and then poured petrol into S-6 coach to set it on fire.
Justice G.T Nanavati and Justice KG. Shah, heading the inquiry commission of the Godhra train fire carnage conducted a mock drill of the incident and actually watched whether petrol could be thrown from the ground position at the eight feet high compartments and could fire be ignited to burn down the compartment.
The action replay revealed that it was impossible to pour any inflammable from that position into the coach and by that action fire cannot be ignited inside the coach. The other inference drawn was that it was impossible for a frenzied mob to procure such a large amount of inflammable in such a short notice to set the train on fire.
In the light of the inferences drawn by the ongoing inquiry commission, the theory propounded by Arun Jaitely sounds unconvincing. First, can such a thick iron sheet that divides the two compartments be slit open by a sword?
Second, Jaitely’s sword theory points the incident to be the handiwork of the frenzied mob that assembled at the railway signal in an instant reaction to the provocation on the Godhra railway platform. However, his contention that petrol was purchased a day in advance points towards a preplanned strategy to the crime. If the two-pieces of information are seen in a sequence then it is difficult to co-relate them together.
As a result of these unconvincing arguments, the Godhra fire incident remains shrouded in mystery. A renewed interest has been generated after the constitution of high-level probe panel that it would unravel the truth of the Godhra incident.
The high level committee has a big job in hand. First of all it has to clearly establish as to what prompted the ‘culprits’ to resort to such a crime? If the provocations at the Godhra railway platform were to be the reasons, then can a mob that had assembled in few minutes or say in hours could perform such a crime?
How can the inflammable be brought in such a short notice to the venue of the crime? For argument sake, even if it was procured, in what way it was transported from the approach road to the railway compartment? Obviously, the truck tanker could not be driven to the railway tracks.
How, the closed compartment was opened for pouring the inflammable, can such a job be done by a sharp edge weapon alone? If all this is accepted, then how much time it took to perform such a crime? Obviously it’s not a few minutes job. If all this took long enough time then why did not the passengers tried to escape from the compartment and chose to be burnt alive in a closed carriage? These are some question, which are still abegging answers. If the high level commission wants to probe the preplanned angle of the incident then it has to establish the motive behind such a planning, as to who all stand to gain from breaching the communal peace of the state? The probe panel also has to establish as who all have executed the crime and how?
If it was the work of the anti- national elements, then who were those behind it? Was it Pakistan’s ISI, that hatched this conspiracy to the malign India at home or aboard or was there some local or regional political elements behind it who tend to gain by breaching the communal peace to reap political dividends from such an outrage?
What benefit the poor Godhra Muslim would have by planning and executing such a crime? Could the provocation at Godhra railway station be the reason of the crime of such magnitude? If it was a work of anti- national elements then why only Godhra Muslims have been arrested and people of other community have not even be put of the suspicion radar?
The Godhra train tragedy is one of the modern day mysteries, which remain covered up from public eye. So far no one has yet been able to convincingly establish the fact as to what prompted such a heinous crime to take place in the first instance and who were the real culprits behind this and how this dastardly act was performed.
It is still too early to say whether the high-level probe panel would unravel all the mysteries surrounding the train carnage. If past history of such probe panels are an indication, then this one too does not deserve any great expectations.
However dismal, the hope remains that this panel would be different from the others and would eventually separate the sheaf from the grain. The Godhra truth may be any an eye opener for the countrymen if those behind this diabolic crime are really exposed.
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Syed Ali Mujtaba is a journalist based in Chennai, India. He can be contacted at syedalimujtaba@yahoo.com
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http://www.indolink.com/displayArticleS.php?id=090504101354
Friday, November 23, 2007
The Muslim factor in Sri Lanka
The Muslim factor in Sri Lanka
Syed Ali Mujtaba
The talks between the Sri Lankan Government and the Tamil Tigers, the first round of which ended in Thailand recently, signal the end of two decades of armed conflict in the country. They took place in the background of several confidence building measures including the lifting of government embargo to Tamil-held territories and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) honouring the ceasefire for more than six months.
The talks, facilitated by the Norwegian peace brokers, agreed to move gradually in a structured manner to tackle the easier issues first and move on difficult ones later. The fact that they agreed to meet twice before the end of this year suggests that the realisation has dawned upon the LTTE and the Sri Lankan government that the path of conflict resolution lies only in dialogue.
The first round of talks mainly focused on the rehabilitation of the north and the east, resettlement of the internally-displaced people, de-mining and troops withdrawal. Though the finer details of the talks have not been made public, the cordial manner in which it concluded suggests that some agreement must have been reached in otherwise seemingly simplistic issues.
At the end of the talks LTTE' chief negotiator Anton Balasingham said that through the talks, the Tamils are seeking "autonomy and self governance" in North and East of Sri Lanka. This could be worked out "if both the parties agree to a particular political system and a model of government." Balasingham added that LTTE's demand for self-determination and homeland is not separatist.
He said the LTTE is only seeking international legitimacy for the administrative structure in the North and East of Sri Lanka. The Tamil ideologue added that if these demands were not met, then total separation from Sri Lanka would be the only option left for them.
Going by mood in the first round of talks in Thailand, it appears that the Sri Lankan government is showing a great degree of flexibility. After the talks, head of the government delegation, G L Pieris sounded cautiously optimistic when he said that it is possible to fulfil LTTE's aspiration maintaining the unity of the country. But how far the Sri Lankan government may actually go in assuaging the Tamil aspirations can only be known after the conclusion of the final rounds of talks.
The LTTE's demand of recognition of the North and East as their homeland is subject to its coming to terms with the Muslims who form a sizeable section of the population in Eastern province and if rehabilitated, in the Northern peninsula too. They feel they would be placed in a vulnerable situation if the Sri Lankan security forces pull out in the North and East, bringing them under LTTE rule and exposing them to harassment and extortion at hands of the rebels.
In Sri Lanka's ethnic profile, Sinhalese Buddhists make up for 70 per cent of country's 20 million people. Tamils, who are mainly Hindus, constitute about 15 per cent, while Muslims, forming about 7 per cent, are the third largest group. Christians, accounting for about 7 per cent of the total population, are found among both Tamils and Sinhalese.
Given the sensitive ethnic balance in Eastern Sri Lanka, the Muslim factor has become an important factor in the conflict resolution. As many as 31.5 per cent of them live in Eastern province concentrated in the Amparai and Batticaloa districts. They speak Tamil like their Hindu compatriots, but project themselves as a distinct ethnic and cultural identity. Muslim majority Eastern district have been described by analysts as the weakest link in the peace process.
Muslims, who had always voted for the Tamil Parties late till eighties, changed their stance since the LTTE started its armed struggle in 1983. Their insecurity has made them closer to successive governments in Colombo and led them to demand separate administrative units tantamount to what LTTE is demanding from the Sri Lankan government.
This earned them the wrath of the LTTE which, in 1990, ordered them to leave the Northern provinces. As a result, 50,000 Muslims were displaced from the Jaffna peninsula and they have been living in tents and shanty towns in other parts of the country. It may be made clear here that LTTE did not targeted the Muslims due to religious bigotry but only to eliminate elements unsympathetic to the cause of the Eelam.
But things are changing gradually. Ever since the ceasefire was announced earlier this year, the LTTE has taken a number of steps to win back support of Tamil-speaking Muslims. Those wanting to return to the Northern provinces have been guaranteed safety.
In an agreement signed on April 13 between Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) leader Rauf Hakeem and LTTE chief Velupillai Prabhakaran, the LTTE vowed not to harass Muslims in the East. But this promise proved to be shortlived as anti-Muslim violence erupted in Muttur town in the Eastern district of Trincomalee on May 6. Then in late in June, a communal conflagration erupted at Valaichchenai town and a few other places in the East. Although there has been no incident since then, a fear has set in among the Muslims raising the doubts about their safety under LTTE dominated administrative rule.
To alley their fears, LTTE supremo Prabhakaran has recognised Rauf Hakeem as the leader of Muslim community and agreed that SLMC should represent the interests of Muslims in the peace talks. Hakeem, who was part of the government delegation in the first round of talks, is reported to have said that there are implications for the Muslims in every issue that will figure in the future discussions. He is to represent his party and community in subsequent rounds of negotiations and is scheduled to meet Prabhakaran before the second round of talks to discuss the issue relating to Muslims in the unfolding peace process.
In the Sri Lankan ethnic jigsaw puzzle, there are two knots that have to opened: one between the LTTE and the Sri Lankan government, the second between the Tamils and the Muslims. How they are going to untied remains to be seen in the subsequent rounds of the peace talks.
--
Mujtaba is a television journalist based in Chennai
http://www.newindpress.com/sunday/sundayitems.asp?id=SET20020927060037&eTitle=Think%2BPiece&rLink=0
Syed Ali Mujtaba
The talks between the Sri Lankan Government and the Tamil Tigers, the first round of which ended in Thailand recently, signal the end of two decades of armed conflict in the country. They took place in the background of several confidence building measures including the lifting of government embargo to Tamil-held territories and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) honouring the ceasefire for more than six months.
The talks, facilitated by the Norwegian peace brokers, agreed to move gradually in a structured manner to tackle the easier issues first and move on difficult ones later. The fact that they agreed to meet twice before the end of this year suggests that the realisation has dawned upon the LTTE and the Sri Lankan government that the path of conflict resolution lies only in dialogue.
The first round of talks mainly focused on the rehabilitation of the north and the east, resettlement of the internally-displaced people, de-mining and troops withdrawal. Though the finer details of the talks have not been made public, the cordial manner in which it concluded suggests that some agreement must have been reached in otherwise seemingly simplistic issues.
At the end of the talks LTTE' chief negotiator Anton Balasingham said that through the talks, the Tamils are seeking "autonomy and self governance" in North and East of Sri Lanka. This could be worked out "if both the parties agree to a particular political system and a model of government." Balasingham added that LTTE's demand for self-determination and homeland is not separatist.
He said the LTTE is only seeking international legitimacy for the administrative structure in the North and East of Sri Lanka. The Tamil ideologue added that if these demands were not met, then total separation from Sri Lanka would be the only option left for them.
Going by mood in the first round of talks in Thailand, it appears that the Sri Lankan government is showing a great degree of flexibility. After the talks, head of the government delegation, G L Pieris sounded cautiously optimistic when he said that it is possible to fulfil LTTE's aspiration maintaining the unity of the country. But how far the Sri Lankan government may actually go in assuaging the Tamil aspirations can only be known after the conclusion of the final rounds of talks.
The LTTE's demand of recognition of the North and East as their homeland is subject to its coming to terms with the Muslims who form a sizeable section of the population in Eastern province and if rehabilitated, in the Northern peninsula too. They feel they would be placed in a vulnerable situation if the Sri Lankan security forces pull out in the North and East, bringing them under LTTE rule and exposing them to harassment and extortion at hands of the rebels.
In Sri Lanka's ethnic profile, Sinhalese Buddhists make up for 70 per cent of country's 20 million people. Tamils, who are mainly Hindus, constitute about 15 per cent, while Muslims, forming about 7 per cent, are the third largest group. Christians, accounting for about 7 per cent of the total population, are found among both Tamils and Sinhalese.
Given the sensitive ethnic balance in Eastern Sri Lanka, the Muslim factor has become an important factor in the conflict resolution. As many as 31.5 per cent of them live in Eastern province concentrated in the Amparai and Batticaloa districts. They speak Tamil like their Hindu compatriots, but project themselves as a distinct ethnic and cultural identity. Muslim majority Eastern district have been described by analysts as the weakest link in the peace process.
Muslims, who had always voted for the Tamil Parties late till eighties, changed their stance since the LTTE started its armed struggle in 1983. Their insecurity has made them closer to successive governments in Colombo and led them to demand separate administrative units tantamount to what LTTE is demanding from the Sri Lankan government.
This earned them the wrath of the LTTE which, in 1990, ordered them to leave the Northern provinces. As a result, 50,000 Muslims were displaced from the Jaffna peninsula and they have been living in tents and shanty towns in other parts of the country. It may be made clear here that LTTE did not targeted the Muslims due to religious bigotry but only to eliminate elements unsympathetic to the cause of the Eelam.
But things are changing gradually. Ever since the ceasefire was announced earlier this year, the LTTE has taken a number of steps to win back support of Tamil-speaking Muslims. Those wanting to return to the Northern provinces have been guaranteed safety.
In an agreement signed on April 13 between Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) leader Rauf Hakeem and LTTE chief Velupillai Prabhakaran, the LTTE vowed not to harass Muslims in the East. But this promise proved to be shortlived as anti-Muslim violence erupted in Muttur town in the Eastern district of Trincomalee on May 6. Then in late in June, a communal conflagration erupted at Valaichchenai town and a few other places in the East. Although there has been no incident since then, a fear has set in among the Muslims raising the doubts about their safety under LTTE dominated administrative rule.
To alley their fears, LTTE supremo Prabhakaran has recognised Rauf Hakeem as the leader of Muslim community and agreed that SLMC should represent the interests of Muslims in the peace talks. Hakeem, who was part of the government delegation in the first round of talks, is reported to have said that there are implications for the Muslims in every issue that will figure in the future discussions. He is to represent his party and community in subsequent rounds of negotiations and is scheduled to meet Prabhakaran before the second round of talks to discuss the issue relating to Muslims in the unfolding peace process.
In the Sri Lankan ethnic jigsaw puzzle, there are two knots that have to opened: one between the LTTE and the Sri Lankan government, the second between the Tamils and the Muslims. How they are going to untied remains to be seen in the subsequent rounds of the peace talks.
--
Mujtaba is a television journalist based in Chennai
http://www.newindpress.com/sunday/sundayitems.asp?id=SET20020927060037&eTitle=Think%2BPiece&rLink=0
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